On Killing

01Understanding the Psychology and Physiology of Killing

In the realm of human behavior, there's a natural aversion to killing, akin to our instinctual fear of heights or dangerous predators. This aversion is deeply ingrained in us, both biologically and societally. Our bodies react to the idea of killing with a visceral sense of dread, while our societies have established laws and norms that condemn such acts. This aversion is so strong that it can even override the instinct for self-preservation in life-threatening situations. However, in the context of war, this natural aversion presents a paradox. Soldiers, who are tasked with protecting their nations, are trained to overcome this aversion. Military training employs a variety of techniques to achieve this, including dehumanization of the enemy and reflexive response training. Dehumanization involves portraying the enemy as less than human, making it psychologically easier to kill. Reflexive response training, on the other hand, conditions soldiers to respond to threats with lethal force without conscious thought. A case study from Grossman's book illustrates this process vividly. A soldier, trained to react reflexively, found himself pulling the trigger before he even consciously registered the enemy soldier in his sights. This reflexive response, drilled into him through countless hours of training, overrode his natural aversion to killing. However, overcoming this aversion comes with a psychological cost. Killing, even in the context of war, can lead to trauma, guilt, and a host of other negative emotions. These feelings can be so intense that they lead to mental health issues like Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). Another case study from the book tells the story of a veteran who, despite being hailed as a hero, was haunted by the faces of those he had killed, leading to years of guilt and psychological distress. Killing also has physiological aspects. The act triggers an adrenaline rush, similar to the feeling of running a marathon, followed by physical exhaustion. Prolonged exposure to such high-stress situations can lead to long-term health effects, including heart disease and other stress-related illnesses. The guilt and trauma experienced by soldiers after killing are often exacerbated by the disconnect between the act of killing and the soldier's pre-war moral and ethical beliefs. One soldier in Grossman's book described feeling like a monster after killing for the first time, his actions in stark contrast to the values he had been raised with. In conclusion, understanding the psychology and physiology of killing is crucial, especially in the context of military training and warfare. It sheds light on the paradox of training soldiers to kill, the psychological and physiological costs of killing, and the trauma and guilt experienced by soldiers. This understanding can inform strategies to better support soldiers and veterans, and spark further exploration and discussion on this complex and challenging topic.